• Jonathan Stutte crop

    Jonathan Stutte

    Staff writer

    Jon is a staff writer for Charged Affairs and an English language business consultant and trainer based in Mannheim, Germany. He has a Linguistics degree from Truman State University and a Masters in Diplomacy from the University of Kentucky. His interests are primarily in arms control and nuclear weapons policy. Follow Jonathan on Twitter @jonstutte.

Iran in the Time of Maximal Compellence

The United States' strategy of maximal compellence against Iran is frustrating, but not yet compelling. To reduce the risk of war, the Trump administration needs to soften and broaden its approach.

China Doesn’t Want Arms Control

The United States and Russia want China to join arms control talks. Transparency and an intermediate range missile gap are key drivers of that push, but talks are DOA as China regards both issues of considerable importance to its defense.

Taiwan’s Inexorable Drift from China

While China aggressively pushes for Taiwan to reunify under China, Taiwanese identity continues to decouple from Chinese identity.

A New Start for Multilateral Arms Control?

The dissolution of the INF threatens a new era of nuclear instability. New START must be protected and strengthened in order to avoid a potentially bleak future.

On Removing Presidential First Use

The United States’ president can, without congressional permission or expert consultation, order the firing of nuclear weapons at any time and – so long as the nuclear football (a briefcase containing the nuclear codes and firing command) is present – from anywhere. The entire process, from the president opening the football to nuclear tipped missiles…

Europe and the Day After the INF Treaty

In 1977, the Soviet Union deployed in its western territories the SS-20 Saber, an intermediate-range ballistic missile with a nuclear warhead and the capacity to reach Western Europe. The move precipitated an arms race and arms control negotiations, culminating in the 1987 Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty between the Soviet Union and the United States.…

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Iran in the Time of Maximal Compellence

The United States' strategy of maximal compellence against Iran is frustrating, but not yet compelling. To reduce the risk of war, the Trump administration needs to soften and broaden its approach.

China Doesn’t Want Arms Control

The United States and Russia want China to join arms control talks. Transparency and an intermediate range missile gap are key drivers of that push, but talks are DOA as China regards both issues of considerable importance to its defense.

Taiwan’s Inexorable Drift from China

While China aggressively pushes for Taiwan to reunify under China, Taiwanese identity continues to decouple from Chinese identity.

A New Start for Multilateral Arms Control?

The dissolution of the INF threatens a new era of nuclear instability. New START must be protected and strengthened in order to avoid a potentially bleak future.

On Removing Presidential First Use

The United States’ president can, without congressional permission or expert consultation, order the firing of nuclear weapons at any time and – so long as the nuclear football (a briefcase containing the nuclear codes and firing command) is present – from anywhere. The entire process, from the president opening the football to nuclear tipped missiles…

Europe and the Day After the INF Treaty

In 1977, the Soviet Union deployed in its western territories the SS-20 Saber, an intermediate-range ballistic missile with a nuclear warhead and the capacity to reach Western Europe. The move precipitated an arms race and arms control negotiations, culminating in the 1987 Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty between the Soviet Union and the United States.…

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